I Have a Dream" I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Sousla rubrique reiki à Alberta AB, des Pages Jaunes, découvrez et comparez rapidement les informations et les coordonnées des entreprises locales qui s'y trouvent. Ihave a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it Detrès nombreux exemples de phrases traduites contenant "i have a dream today," – Dictionnaire français-anglais et moteur de recherche de traductions françaises. Extraitdu discours de M L King "I have a dream". « Je vous le dis aujourd’hui, mes amis, bien que, oui bien que nous ayons à faire face aux difficultés d’aujourd’hui et de demain, je fais pourtant un rêve. C’est un rêve profondément ancré dans le rêve américain. Je rêve qu’un jour, notre nation se lèvera pour vivre véritablement son credo : “Nous tenons pour vérité Voscours particuliers d'anglais à Grand‑Bassam. Contact gratuit avec les professeurs. Des milliers d'élèves nous ont déjà fait confiance ! Se connecter Inscription gratuite. France Français EUR. Page d'accueil; Comment pouvons-nous vous aider ? Donner des Cours; Donner des Cours. Lieu Grand-Bassam. Âge de l'étudiant Âge de l'étudiant. Prix Prix. Filtres Plus de filtres. Cours d . Josephine Baker is remembered by most people as the flamboyant African American entertainer who earned fame and fortune in Paris in the 1920s. Yet through much of her later life, Baker became a vocal opponent of segregation and discrimination, often initiating one-woman protests against racial injustice. In 1963, at the age of 57, Baker flew in from France, her adopted homeland, to appear before the largest audience in her career, the 250,000 gathered at the March on Washington. Wearing her uniform of the French Resistance, of which she was active in World War II, she and Daisy Bates were the only women to address the audience. Baker spoke just before Dr. Martin Luther King gave his “I Have a Dream” oration. What she said appears below. Friends and family…you know I have lived a long time and I have come a long way. And you must know now that what I did, I did originally for myself. Then later, as these things began happening to me, I wondered if they were happening to you, and then I knew they must be. And I knew that you had no way to defend yourselves, as I had. And as I continued to do the things I did, and to say the things I said, they began to beat me. Not beat me, mind you, with a club—but you know, I have seen that done too—but they beat me with their pens, with their writings. And friends, that is much worse. When I was a child and they burned me out of my home, I was frightened and I ran away. Eventually I ran far away. It was to a place called France. Many of you have been there, and many have not. But I must tell you, ladies and gentlemen, in that country I never feared. It was like a fairyland place. And I need not tell you that wonderful things happened to me there. Now I know that all you children don’t know who Josephine Baker is, but you ask Grandma and Grandpa and they will tell you. You know what they will say. “Why, she was a devil.” And you know something…why, they are right. I was too. I was a devil in other countries, and I was a little devil in America too. But I must tell you, when I was young in Paris, strange things happened to me. And these things had never happened to me before. When I left St. Louis a long time ago, the conductor directed me to the last car. And you all know what that means. But when I ran away, yes, when I ran away to another country, I didn’t have to do that. I could go into any restaurant I wanted to, and I could drink water anyplace I wanted to, and I didn’t have to go to a colored toilet either, and I have to tell you it was nice, and I got used to it, and I liked it, and I wasn’t afraid anymore that someone would shout at me and say, “Nigger, go to the end of the line.” But you know, I rarely ever used that word. You also know that it has been shouted at me many times. So over there, far away, I was happy, and because I was happy I had some success, and you know that too. Then after a long time, I came to America to be in a great show for Mr. Ziegfeld, and you know Josephine was happy. You know that. Because I wanted to tell everyone in my country about myself. I wanted to let everyone know that I made good, and you know too that that is only natural. But on that great big beautiful ship, I had a bad experience. A very important star was to sit with me for dinner, and at the last moment I discovered she didn’t want to eat with a colored woman. I can tell you it was some blow. And I won’t bother to mention her name, because it is not important, and anyway, now she is dead. And when I got to New York way back then, I had other blows—when they would not let me check into the good hotels because I was colored, or eat in certain restaurants. And then I went to Atlanta, and it was a horror to me. And I said to myself, My God, I am Josephine, and if they do this to me, what do they do to the other people in America? You know, friends, that I do not lie to you when I tell you I have walked into the palaces of kings and queens and into the houses of presidents. And much more. But I cold not walk into a hotel in America and get a cup of coffee, and that made me mad. And when I get mad, you know that I open my big mouth. And then look out, cause when Josephine opens her mouth, they hear it all over the world. So I did open my mouth, and you know I did scream, and when I demanded what I was supposed to have and what I was entitled to, they still would not give it to me. So then they thought they could smear me, and the best way to do that was to call me a communist. And you know, too, what that meant. Those were dreaded words in those days, and I want to tell you also that I was hounded by the government agencies in America, and there was never one ounce of proof that I was a communist. But they were mad. They were mad because I told the truth. And the truth was that all I wanted was a cup of coffee. But I wanted that cup of coffee where I wanted to drink it, and I had the money to pay for it, so why shouldn’t I have it where I wanted it? Friends and brothers and sisters, that is how it went. And when I screamed loud enough, they started to open that door just a little bit, and we all started to be able to squeeze through it. Not just the colored people, but the others as well, the other minorities too, the Orientals, and the Mexicans, and the Indians, both those here in the United States and those from India. Now I am not going to stand in front of all of you today and take credit for what is happening now. I cannot do that. But I want to take credit for telling you how to do the same thing, and when you scream, friends, I know you will be heard. And you will be heard now. But you young people must do one thing, and I know you have heard this story a thousand times from your mothers and fathers, like I did from my mama. I didn’t take her advice. But I accomplished the same in another fashion. You must get an education. You must go to school, and you must learn to protect yourself. And you must learn to protect yourself with the pen, and not the gun. Then you can answer them, and I can tell you—and I don’t want to sound corny—but friends, the pen really is mightier than the sword. I am not a young woman now, friends. My life is behind me. There is not too much fire burning inside me. And before it goes out, I want you to use what is left to light that fire in you. So that you can carry on, and so that you can do those things that I have done. Then, when my fires have burned out, and I go where we all go someday, I can be happy. You know I have always taken the rocky path. I never took the easy one, but as I get older, and as I knew I had the power and the strength, I took that rocky path, and I tried to smooth it out a little. I wanted to make it easier for you. I want you to have a chance at what I had. But I do not want you to have to run away to get it. And mothers and fathers, if it is too late for you, think of your children. Make it safe here so they do mot have to run away, for I want for you and your children what I had. Ladies and gentlemen, my friends and family, I have just been handed a little note, as you probably say. It is an invitation to visit the President of the United States in his home, the White House. I am greatly honored. But I must tell you that a colored woman—or, as you say it here in America, a black woman—is not going there. It is a woman. It is Josephine Baker. This is a great honor for me. Someday I want you children out there to have that great honor too. And we know that that time is not someday. We know that that time is now. I thank you, and may god bless you. And may He continue to bless you long after I am gone. Traduction du discours de Martin Luther King “I have a dream”. I have a dream est à la fois le nom du discours le plus célèbre de Martin Luther King et le point d'orgue du Mouvement des droits civiques. Ce discours, prononcé le 28 août 1963, devant le Lincoln Memorial, à Washington est généralement considéré comme l'un des plus grands et des plus marquants du xxe siècle. Selon le député américain John Lewis, qui prit également la parole ce jour là au nom du Comité de coordination des étudiants non violents, En parlant comme il l'a fait, il a éduqué, il a inspiré, il a guidé non pas simplement les gens qui étaient là, mais les gens partout en Amérique ainsi que les générations à venir ». Ce message d'espoir est célèbre dans le monde entier, bien au-delà des frontières des États-Unis. Le discours fut prononcé sur les marches du Lincoln Memorial pendant la Marche vers Washington pour le travail et la liberté à Washington, le 28 août 1963. Il illustre clairement le désir de voir à l'avenir les Noirs et les Blancs coexister en harmonie et vivre égaux. Le titre du discours I have a dream vient de son passage le plus connu où Luther King utilise ces mots comme anaphore. Le discours a été pendant plusieurs années dans différentes affaires juridiques, pour déterminer qui aurait le droit d'auteur — la controverse reposait sur le fait que King avait fait son discours publiquement devant un large auditoire, discours retransmis à la télévision, et que ce n'est qu'un mois plus tard qu'il en avait enregistré le droit d'auteur comme exigé alors par la loi américaine sur le droit d'auteur. Finalement, le 5 novembre 1999, dans la Succession de Martin Luther King, Jr. contre CBS, Inc., le 11th circuit of the United States Court of Appeals a décidé que la présentation publique du discours ne constituait pas une publication générale », et que les ayants droit n'étaient pas déchus de leur droit d'auteur. Ainsi ils peuvent requérir une licence pour la rediffusion du discours, que ce soit dans un programme de télévision, un livre historique, une représentation théâtrale ou autre. Not an end, but a beginning,’ Martin Luther King Jr. said from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial on Aug. 28, 1963. © FlaglerLive It was toward the end of a sweltering August day and dozens of speeches that Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered the “Dream” speech now engraved alongside the Gettysburg Address and the Declaration of Independence as markers of the nation’s conscience. The date was itself a grim anniversary that of the kidnapping, torture and murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till in Mississippi in 1955 by Roy Bryant and his half brother Milam, who were declared not guilty by an all-white jury in 67 minutes despite overwhelming evidence of their guilt. When 250,000 people marched on Washington last Saturday to mark the 50th anniversary of the march, many had another slain black teenager on their mind Trayvon Martin, the unarmed 17-year-old shot by George Zimmerman in Sanford, Fla., as Martin was returning from a convenience store run for Skittles and iced tea, and after Zimmerman, finding the hoody-clad Martin suspicious, pursued him. adcode+King’s “I Have a Dream” speech is not as well known as the fact that half of it was an improvisation. After noting that a hundred years after the Emancipation Proclamation blacks were “still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination,” that the nation had “defaulted” on the promissory note of the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness due “her citizens of color,” and after warning against “the tranquilizing drug of gradualism,” Mahalia Jackson yelled out from speakers’ row “Tell ’em about the Dream,’ Martin, tell ’em about the Dream’!” And so he did. “With his improvised riff, Dr. King took a leap into history, jumping from prose to poetry, from the podium to the pulpit,” writes The Times’s Michiko Kakutani. “His voice arced into an emotional crescendo as he turned from a sobering assessment of current social injustices to a radiant vision of hope — of what America could be.” Martin Luther King at the March on Washington, 1963. National ArchivesA scholar, a minister, a politician, a leader and showman, King drew on a tapestry of references–Scriptures, Negro spirituals, Shakespeare, the Declaration, Abraham Lincoln, DuBois, Woodie Guthrie, “My Country, Tis of Thee”–as words transcended the moment into the sort of future-making history that would lead to what King could not have imagined 50 years ago a black president. “Dr. King’s speech was not only the heart and emotional cornerstone of the March on Washington, but also a testament to the transformative powers of one man and the magic of his words,” Kakutani writes. “Fifty years later, it is a speech that can still move people to tears. Fifty years later, its most famous lines are recited by schoolchildren and sampled by musicians. Fifty years later, the four words I have a dream’ have become shorthand for Dr. King’s commitment to freedom, social justice and nonviolence, inspiring activists from Tiananmen Square to Soweto, Eastern Europe to the West Bank.” In many ways some of the most important parts King’s message remain unfulfilled the United States is still a nation riven by inequality, with poverty and race more often than not cleaving society in ways King would easily recognize despite immense progress as well. Martin Luther King III, the human rights activist and King’s eldest son, writes to that effect in his commemoration of the 50th anniversary “When an unarmed 17-year-old walking home with Skittles can be brutally slain by an armed man — a man who had been told by police to leave the boy alone — and that man is acquitted of all charges, something is very wrong. The so-called “stand your ground” and “stop-and-frisk” laws that have been enacted in various states in recent years disproportionately abuse people of color. These ill-considered laws are a serious threat to the freedom and safety of all Americans. The appalling racial injustice inherent in the Trayvon Martin tragedy reminds us that there is still much to do.” He goes on to note the “horrific gun violence” in Chicago and other cities that continues to shed the blood of innocents. “Fulfilling my father’s dream will also require our society to become one where everyone who wants a job at a decent wage can get one. Reforms are needed to stem the tide of outsourcing good jobs to other nations and to educate and train American workers to meet the challenges of the 21st-century world economy,” the younger King writes. He concludes “As I reflect back, I can’t help but ask, what would Dad think? One thing I am certain he would do is work relentlessly to get us all to work together to address today’s most pressing issues. As I look forward, I can’t help but ask, what is each and every one of us doing to realize the dream of freedom, justice and equality for all?” Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech was delivered from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, on August 28, 1963 as the culmination of the Washington Freedom Rally. Historian James MacGregor Burns described the scene in “Crosswinds of Freedom” Knopf, 1989 A quarter of a million people, black and white together, gathered in the summer heat at the Washington Monument and then surged forth to the Lincoln Memorial. They had come on buses and trains, many from the Deep South. Large contingents represented white religious faiths and, despite lack of backing by the AFL-CIO, many labor unions. Haunting freedom songs—”We Shall Overcome” sung by Joan Baez, “Oh, Freedom!” by Odetta—blended with speeches by the civil rights leadership. SNCC [Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee]’s John Lewis pierced the uplifting mood by denouncing the inadequacy of conventional liberalism and Kennedy’s legislative program to complete “the unfinished revolution of 1776.” Around midafternoon Martin Luther King stood beneath the brooding face of Abraham Lincoln. Inspired by the sea of upturned black and white faces, he left his carefully crafted text and in rippling cadences and rich colors, he painted his vibrant dream of racial justice. Repeatedly invoking his phrase, “I have a dream,” responding to the people in rhythm with him, he implored that freedom ring from the hilltops of New Hampshire, the mountains of New York and Pennsylvania, and even more, from Georgia’s Stone Mountain. “Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and mole hill of Mississippi. From every mountain top, let freedom ring. […] A euphoric group of blacks, save for Coretta King, who to her distress was left to repair to her hotel room, met with the President following the rally. Having first opposed the march and then cooperated with it—to the point, some militants charged, of cooptation—Kennedy now shared in the moment of relief and triumph. He was “bubbling over with the success of the event,” [the NAACP’s Roy] Wilkins recalled. But out on the Mall some blacks remained skeptical and even cynical. Listening to King, young activist Anne Moody had told herself that back in Mississippi they had never had time to sleep, much less dream. An angry black man had shouted “Fuck that dream, Martin. Now, goddamit, NOW!” It was a luminous moment in a season of death and despair. The very evening of Kennedy’s June television address, NAACP leader Medgar Evers had been shot down as he returned to his home in Mississippi; later the President consoled the Evers family in the White House. By the end of the summer nearly 14,000 persons had been arrested in seventy-five cities in the South alone. Two weeks after the March, on a Sunday morning, a dynamite bomb exploded in Birmingham’s Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, a center of the spring crusade, killing four black girls as they were donning their choir robes. It would be another generation before the nation would finally consider establishing a national holiday in Martin Luther King’s name, though not easily. King was born on Jan. 15, 1929, in Atlanta. His birthday is observed federally on the third Monday of January. The national holiday, was first observed on Jan. 20, 1986, after a long ratification battle in Congress. The House of Representative approved the holiday bill on Aug. 2, 1983, by a vote of 338-90. Five of those No votes were cast by Florida congressmen, including Bill McCollum. Other Floridians voting against were Michael Bilirakis, Andy Ireland, Earl Hutto, and C. W. Bill Young. John McCain, then a member of the House, also voted against the bill. He later admitted to being wrong. Others voting against included Trent Lott, the Republican Senate Majority Leader during the George W. Bush administration, and Ron Paul, the Texas Republican. The Senate finally approved the bill on Oct. 19, 1983, by a vote of 78-22, two weeks after North Carolina Republican Sen. Jesse Helms attempted to derail the effort with a one-man filibuster. He did not end the filibuster from a change of heart, but because he was worried that legislation favoring tobacco growers would be scuttled as a result of his rather bigoted assault on King’s memory. Helms’s pretext King, in his view, was a communist sympathizer. “We’ll know in about 35 years, won’t we?” President Reagan, who had also initially resisted the holiday, said, in reference to court-sealed FBI records about King. Other Senate opponents of the bill included Barry Goldwater R-AZ, Chuck Grassley, R-IA, Orrin Hatch R-UT, Frank Murkowski R-AK and Warren Rudman R-NH. On Oct. 16, 2011, the Martin Luther King Memorial, the first honoring a black person at the Washington Mall, was dedicated after two decades of planning and construction the monument grounds had opened on Aug. 22. The 30-foot granite structure, which Congress authorized in 1996, is the work of Chinese artist Lei Yixin. The $120 million project includes a bookstore, a wall of King’s quotations and some 200 cherry trees. About $800,000 went to the King family, which demanded the money in exchange for granting permission to have King’s words and likeness used. “Our work is not done,” President Barack Obama said at the dedication. “And so on this day, in which we celebrate a man and a movement that did so much for this country, let us draw strength from those earlier struggles. First and foremost, let us remember that change has never been quick. Change has never been simple, or without controversy. Change depends on persistence. Change requires determination. […] And so with our eyes on the horizon and our faith squarely placed in one another, let us keep striving; let us keep struggling; let us keep climbing toward that promised land of a nation and a world that is more fair, and more just, and more equal for every single child of God.” The full speech and video are below. Martin Luther King Jr.’s I Have a Dream Speech I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we have come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “For Whites Only”. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, “My country, ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.” And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!” [Originally published in 2011 and revised since.] Arts, Rupture, Continuité... Martin Luther King Matière de référence Anglais "I have a dream", le discours prononcé en 1963 par Martin Luther King, aura 40 ans le 28 août prochain ... Ce qu'attendent les professeurs... Ce que nous souhaitons Pour écouter Cliquez sur l'un des liens ci-dessous... Une introduction qui présente l’œuvre choisie titre, auteur, date / contexte social et historique auquel appartient cette œuvre et le plan de l’exposé. Une lecture du texte du discours ou d’une partie seulement si le texte est long choix à faire selon les passages qui vous paraîtparaissent les plus importants, les plus forts. Une présentation de l'auteur nom, dates, évènements marquants de sa vie, principales actions. Une analyse de l’œuvre présentée → Etude du discours - Quelles sont les figures de style employées - Quelles sont les techniques du discours voix, rythme des mots ? - Quels sont les effets produits ?→ Lien avec la thématique → Visée, intention de l’auteur à travers cette œuvre Une conclusion qui reprend le lien avec la thématique posée. Un prolongement → De quelles autres œuvres peut-on rapprocher ce texte ou ce tableau ?→ Pourquoi ?→ Éventuellement Quels autres artistes a / ont adapté, repris cette œuvre ? - Préparer un support lisible pour les deux examinateurs. - Prévoir, dans la présentation, une manière de montrer les commentaires faits sur le texte ou le tableau. - Préparer son exposé oral pour ne pas lire son support mais savoir l’utiliser pour répondre aux questions posées. - De prévoir une partie de l'exposé même courte en langue anglaise. N'hésitez pas à consulter et à faire bon usage des documents postés sur le serveur élèves "ANGLAIS" du collège, rubrique "HdA" ... ainsi que des notes prises en cours. Brothers and sisters, I'm here to tell you that I charge the White man. I charge the White man with being the greatest murderer on earth. I charge the White man with being the greatest kidnapper on earth. There is no place in this world that that man can go and say he created peace and harmony. Everywhere he's gone he's created havoc. Everywhere he's gone he's created destruction. So I charge him. I charge him with being the greatest kidnapper on this earth. I charge him with being the greatest murderer on this earth. I charge him with being the greatest robber and enslaver on this earth. I charge the White man with being the greatest swine-eater on this earth, the greatest drunkard on this can't deny the charges. You can't deny the charges. We're the living proof of those charges. You and I are the proof. You're not an American, you are the victim of America. You didn't have a choice coming over here. He didn't say, "Black man, Black woman, come on over and help me build America." He said, "Nigger, get down in the bottom of that boat and I'm taking you over there to help me build America." Being born here does not make you an American. I'm not an American. You're not an American. You are one of twenty-two million Black people who are the victims of and I, we've never seen any democracy. We ain't seen no democracy in the cotton fields of Georgia. That wasn't no democracy down there. We didn't see any democracy on the streets of Harlem and the streets of Brooklyn and the streets of Detroit and Chicago. That wasn't democracy down there. No, we've never seen democracy; all we've seen is hypocrisy. We don't see any American dream. We've experienced only the American to Format LyricsType out all lyrics, even repeating song parts like the chorusLyrics should be broken down into individual linesUse section headers above different song parts like [Verse], [Chorus], italics lyric and bold lyric to distinguish between different vocalists in the same song partIf you don’t understand a lyric, use [?]To learn more, check out our transcription guide or visit our transcribers forum

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